Suchergebnisse

In the United States, Latinos and non-Hispanic Whites have similar first marriage and divorce rates, but Latinos remarry at lower rates than Whites. Although Latinos are disproportionately more Catholic than Whites, and Latinos remarry less than Whites, assuming that religion is driving the remarriage difference could be a religious congruence fallacy, which occurs when religion is assumed to be the driving influence behind a behavior actually shaped by other forces. The present study utilizes the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and discrete-time event history analysis to examine the influence of religious affliation and attendance on ethnic remarriage differences. The findings suggest that Catholicism does not account for the lower rates of remarriage of Latinos compared to Whites and provide strong evidence for dispelling the previously untested on ethnic differences in remarriage. Additionally, Evangelical Protestants, Particularly men, appear the most likely to remarry.

What role do significant others play in orientations to repartnering following divorce? Situated within critical role theory, and focusing on 23 white and Latina divorcees from Texas (the United States), this paper examines orientations toward repartnering in the light of distinct friend and parent expectations. While friends were sources of sympathy and affirmation, parents were more interventionist, indicating moral expectations. Parents either encouraged repartnering as the route to a happy future, or discouraged it on grounds that first marriage creates sacred, unbreakable bonds. The former response was more common among whites, and the latter more common among Latinas. The paper argues that the expectations of friends and parents are taken account of during this transitional period, in positive and negative ways, as orientations toward marriage, divorce, and repartnering were explained and justified.

Abstract
In 2018, Northern Ireland (NI) government officials, journalists, and preliminary research declared that NI citizens had provided a 'welcoming society' to Syrian refugees settling in local communities across the country. However, this claim starkly contrasted with other reports of growing violence towards foreign-born groups, particularly Muslims, which lead to NI being identified as the 'Race Hate Capital of Europe.' Using the 2015 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT), we problematize and empirically-test these initial conclusions about NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees by testing four prominent social theories. We first examine whether economic self-interest and social exposure (i.e., contact hypothesis) predict NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees. We also recognize NI's unique conflictual ethnic history by testing whether cultural marginality and ethnic competition theories further explain attitudes. The findings suggest that multiple theories explain NI citizen views towards Syrians. Results provide partial support for economic self-interests and direct and preferential social exposure as predictors. However, when considering racism and sectarianism measures, the results require a nuanced understanding of the context of NI people's attitudes. We found that identity politics related to NI's citizens' religious and nationalist identity encouraged racist and sectarian disapproval of Syrian refugee resettlement. These findings provide a promising avenue of study in understanding how ethno-identities shape attitudes towards Syrian refugees and other foreign-born groups living in NI. However, we contend more granular research will be needed to highlight these nuances.

In 2018, Northern Ireland (NI) government officials, journalists, and preliminary research declared that NI citizens had provided a 'welcoming society' to Syrian refugees settling in local communities across the country. However, this claim starkly contrasted with other reports of growing violence towards foreign-born groups, particularly Muslims, which lead to NI being identified as the 'Race Hate Capital of Europe.' Using the 2015 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT), we problematize and empirically-test these initial conclusions about NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees by testing four prominent social theories. We first examine whether economic self-interest and social exposure (i.e., contact hypothesis) predict NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees. We also recognize NI's unique conflictual ethnic history by testing whether cultural marginality and ethnic competition theories further explain attitudes. The findings suggest that multiple theories explain NI citizen views towards Syrians. Results provide partial support for economic self-interests and direct and preferential social exposure as predictors. However, when considering racism and sectarianism measures, the results require a nuanced understanding of the context of NI people's attitudes. We found that identity politics related to NI's citizens' religious and nationalist identity encouraged racist and sectarian disapproval of Syrian refugee resettlement. These findings provide a promising avenue of study in understanding how ethno-identities shape attitudes towards Syrian refugees and other foreign-born groups living in NI. However, we contend more granular research will be needed to highlight these nuances.

Research has linked prison misconduct to reoffending and re-entry experiences. Yet, no studies have sought to examine the factors influencing misconduct in Northern Ireland or if these factors operate differently for separated prisoners (those claiming their offences are politically motivated and demanding to be held separately to the rest of the prison population) compared to the general prison population. This study addresses this gap by examining the characteristics related to misconduct in Northern Ireland. Using a cross-sectional sample of 892 imprisoned adult men, the findings indicate that increased involvement in misconduct is associated with multiple needs. Younger age, racial/ethnic identity, accommodation issues, addiction, impairments, property offences, previous incarceration, prison complaints, not having a drug test, and engagement/suspected engagement in serious self-harm while imprisoned increased the risk of misconduct. Reporting a nationality other than British, Irish or Northern Irish, passing prison drug tests and prison visitation lowered the risk of misconduct. Factors were found to operate in a similar manner for both the general prison population and separated prisoners, with the exception of prison complaints. Given the link between misconduct and reoffending, it is argued that specialist supports are required to address the multiple needs of those who frequently engage in misconduct if efforts to reduce recidivism are to be enhanced.

The Scoping Study was initiated in response to the Programme for Government 2016-2021 indicator, 'Improve the quality of life for people with disabilities and their families'. The Disability Research Network was approached to assist the Department for Communities in the development of this indicator. The scoping study included 5 objectives: (1) To review the international literature on quality of life (QoL) measurements for people with disabilities and their families; (2) To develop recommendations for key definitions; (3) To assess existing and emerging data sources for potential use; (4) To develop recommendations for a preferred option; and (5) To test the recommended QoL measure.

Children have a right to have their views sought and given due weight on all matters affecting them, including at times of emergency and crisis. This article describes the process and findings of the ground-breaking CovidUnder19 survey ("Life Under Coronavirus") which was co-designed with children for children, capturing the experiences of over 26,000 children in 137 countries as to the realisation of their human rights during the first six months of the covid-19 pandemic. Key findings are discussed through the lens of the crc' s four general principles, read alongside children's rights, inter alia, to education, play and to be protected from harm. It argues that governments and public bodies should have sought children's views – not just because they were under an obligation to do so – but because such engagement, now and in crises to come, provides an early warning system that enables decision-makers to mitigate some of the adverse consequences of their responses for children and their rights.